‘They [Government] Are Just Doing a Show for the International Community, but They Really Want to Control the Ethnic Areas’: Moon Nay Li, General Secretary of KWAT

[Women’s] network is very big. That’s why the first [joint] CEDAW (Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women) shadow report [1] is really important. Before it was just the WLB (Women’s League of Burma) working for that CEDAW shadow report. Since last year, we can work together with other women’s organizations doing advocacy and we’re stronger than before.

For the women’s rights, KWAT is working through WLB. We are a member of that umbrella organization. WLB networks with the other women organizations who are based in our area like religious women’s groups and other. We have links with each other. WLB has a network with WON, Women’s Organization Network. They are based in Rangoon and also network with the GEN (Gender Equality Network). GEN is not really a women’s group. They are working for gender issues. They are the most capable to approach the governments, and also for policy and law. They said that it is very difficult to [advocate for] changing the law in ethnic area; a lot of challenges and risky situations. Like KWAT, also other non-governmental women’s organizations, they have their own network in their own area.

Reconciling ethnic and women’s rights: “Ethnic leaders should talk about sexual violence and conflict”

Kachin women, we struggle for two things. One is for the women’s rights and also ethnic rights. If we have ethnic equality, we can also fight for women’s rights. It’s more easy. That’s strategical. As KWAT and also as WLB, our role is really important for approaching and lobbying for women’s rights [with those] who are working for ethnic rights. Most of the armed groups work for ethnic rights, but they don’t understand about women’s rights. [They say] ‘Oh, it will come later. They will be talk later about that sexual violence.’ But ‘you should do together when we are working for ethnic rights.’ Together is really important. For example, when the conflict is happening in our area, a lot of women are raped by the [Burma Army] soldiers. When the armed group leaders meet and talk with the government’s side, ethnic leaders should talk about sexual violence and conflict. It’s really important.

We are continuously doing that kind of lobby advocacy for women’s rights. So now, they really understand about the women’s rights, and now, they are more aware about the situation. [However,] all of the leaders do not understand yet. We have to keep doing that lobbying for these people.

The NLD-led Government and the Peace Process: “they’re just using the word ‘Panglong’ that came from the [1947] Panglong agreement.”

[Since the transition to the NLD-led government], there is a lot of difference because now the military has more power than the government. Now, it’s clear they [the NLD government] cannot do anything because they have no power. They [the military] are controlling everything, [the government is] just meeting with the international community. That’s why it is totally worse than before. If the NLD government really had power as a government, they [could] stop offensives in the Kachin and Northern Shan State. They should have power. But now, they cannot do it. They just see what the military wants them to see.

In my opinion, since they started organizing the Panglong conferences [21^st Century Panglong Conference – 21CPC], I’m not very satisfied in their planning, because they’re just using the word ‘Panglong’ that came from [the 1947] Panglong agreement. [But] they don’t want to really follow and implement what [the original] Panglong agreement said. They want to destroy, and also they hide and just kick away that Panglong agreement. [The Government is] just using ‘Panglong’ for tricking, a political scam or something like that. The NCA (‘Nationwide’ Ceasefire Agreement) is also really linked to that conference. So that’s why when we study about the NCA process, they’re just using divide and rule policy, the same as management regimes since long time ago, like SPDC (State Peace and Development Council – as the military regime was known from 1997 to 2011).

So that’s why their policy is the same as the military regime’s and also, now another government keeps doing like that. So that’s why I am not really satisfied on the Panglong conferences. I have not much hope on this. If they really want peace, we can get it immediately. We can get all this. But they are not really sincere in the process. They are just doing a show for the international community, but they really want to control the ethnic areas. And also, they are not really encouraging the involvement in the peace process for CSOs (Civil Society Organization), including women’s groups.

When we are talking about federalism, they’re also saying like that, “Federal?” “Yes, federal, federal.” But their [the government] federal meaning is very totally different with what we [ethnic people] are saying. We really want this [federal] way but they are just [pushing] all the people to [accept] their way.

Also, the one thing is 17.1 Unlawful Association Act, that law is really dangerous for the people who are involved in the peace process, because when we are involved and participate or work for the peace process, we can meet with the [ethnic] armed groups and also the government side. And also all of the stakeholders, we have to meet them. That’s why many civilians from the Kachin state are accused by that law, and also some have already been arrested by that law, even when they are not communicating with any of the armed groups. It is very dangerous, really dangerous. This way it challenges and also threatens us. That’s why we cannot get the genuine peace in our country. Their technique is like a strategy; they want to control and arrest somebody, they are just organizing it using that law. That is a problem.

Women’s rights and participation in the peace process: “Just for show, just for seeing”

The government’s side, they’re just saying that they will agree for 30% participation [of women] in the [peace] process. But they have not taken action or implementation on that kind of women participation. Just for show, just for seeing, ‘Yes, we welcome women’s participation,’ like that. That’s why we’re saying that the government should encourage and help to open opportunity for all the women to participate.

Another thing is that the Government already signed the Declaration on the End of Sexual Violence in Conflict, they are just [using it] for showing it to the international community. They are signing all of the women’s rights declarations and conventions. But they never follow and take action and implementation on that, or of the CEDAW and also that End Sexual violence in Conflict. They don’t follow. Especially for the ethnic area, the ground area. [The UN Security Council resolutions] 1325 and 1820, they don’t need to sign but they should follow them because those are resolutions of the UN Security Council [and] because they are member of the UN.

[Women’s rights] are very popular, globally. Now, all of the people are really supportive of those who are working for women’s rights. [The Government of Burma] is among the UN state members, where they really respect and sign on women’s issues. They already know that kind of technique, so that’s why [the government] also signs and says, ‘Yeah, yeah, yeah! Women issue. No problem. Women issue, no problem.’ But it’s for showing. They sign for showing for international community.

In reality, [the Burma government] have never taken action and never have a policy for that, especially for ethnic women’s rights. Because when we are talking about ending sexual violence and conflict, they have no policy to end that kind of sexual violence and conflict. If they really have that policy and law, the soldiers [would be] afraid of doing that kind of abuse. Now, they can do it freely in the conflict area.

Promoting ethnic women’s participation: “[Women] have to express their experience and feeling so that we can get long lasting peace”

Culturally and traditionally, women’s discrimination is happening everywhere in Burma, not only in central area but also ethnic areas. That’s why all women also struggle and are fighting for their women’s rights. Some men leaders don’t want to follow their women leaders. That is one [of the] big problems for women; gender discrimination.

Now, thanks to our umbrella organization, WLB, women’s participation and lobbying and advocacy, all kinds of ways we are approaching the leaders. So now, it’s a little bit better than before. They have already encouraged women’s participation within KIO (Kachin Independence Organization) and opened the space for women’s participation. [They ask if women] really want to participate in decision level and also every step of the political issues including the peace process. So that’s why when we meet with the leaders from KIO informally or formally, we are talking about [women’s participation] always. Now, [the KIO] understand more than before.

That kind of opportunity or chance is already opening for women’s growth. It is also a little bit good and improved for women’s participation. But we need to continue and keep doing advocacy and [this] kind of activity. We need to do it. It’s very difficult.

Now, inside Burma, is a little bit more free for working for women rights, [mostly in] urban areas, [but] not in the ethnic areas. [We have to] lobby the ethnic groups. There’s already a lot of women participating and involved as a technical support of every kind. They are already participating. But they are not representative of the women on the ground, the conflict area. There are many educated women and PhD doctors in the urban area, but they don’t understand ethnic and rural women’s situations. Conflict is really happening in ethnic areas, so ethnic women and non-Bamar women should, they must, participate. Their role is really important for the peace process. That’s why we need to bring them from the ground, the conflict area, the women, that kind of women. It’s really important for the peace process. [We are] saying women’s participation [should be] ‘meaningful’ women participation.

Fighting really affects women and children. So that’s why when we find the solution for the conflict, and doing for peace, women should participate. [Women] have to express their experience and feeling so that we can get long lasting peace. That’s why women’s participation is really important, really important. If women cannot participate in the peace process, we are sure that we cannot get the genuine peace. It’s not long-lasting peace. If only the men are doing that process, they’re fighting again, again, they break the agreement, every time break and ceasefire, break and ceasefire. But the victims are women. That’s why women’s participation is really crucial. Peace, if we a have peace, that also includes women’s rights, so this [is why] we are working for women’s rights and also peace and justice. When we do not [have] justice, it is fake peace.

Women and Federal Democracy: “The people who have power, they do not understand the ground situation”

[Federal democracy, ethnic rights and women’s rights] are really connected. For example, in our area the drug crisis is a big problem. That drug crisis is made by the central government because of their policy, their authority, through police and military officers. They are drug sellers. They are involved in that kind of big drug selling. That drug crisis is really directly affecting the women and also the abuse of women’s rights.

[Furthermore], when [the government] sends more troops, the [Burma Army] soldiers commit rape and many human rights violations in our area. If they do not send [them] to us, we have no cases. These kinds of cases wouldn’t happen in our area because all of our people are respectful of each other. But now, many of the Burman people are coming and staying in our area. They are also sending teachers and the officers from the central government. That’s how they control everything.

We could promote women’s rights, and we could do everything on our own, by ourselves. But now, [everything] is controlled by the central government. The people who have power, they do not understand the ground situation. [The government] does not understand the ground situation, such as conflicts and also development projects. That’s why federal democratic system is really linked to women’s rights. If we really have federal democracy, our people can manage their own administration and judicial [systems]. We can manage our own [area] by ourselves so that we can protect our people. Women can also participate. That’s why we are calling and we are working for the federal democracy in our country. It is really important for implementing and taking action for the genuine peace.

International donors and pressure to return: “If we move inside, we cannot freely advocate”

Lots of donors and international big donors are already cutting the cross-border [aid], it is a big problem. They cannot get the ground information about the ground situation. It’s a big problem. [Many] western people are very unknowing. They are just coming to Rangoon. That is the city area, so how can they see the ground, the conflict situation?

Now, some donor organizations give pressure to move inside. How can we? The 17.1 law is still existing. When we are working in [ethnic] controlled area, they [the government] can arrest you anytime. [The international community] just puts pressure to work with the government and lobby and all these things with the government, it is impossible. There are a lot of challenges and risks. Who would want to work in that area? We have to work in the remote border areas, rural areas and also in the conflict area. The people who are based in the urban area, how can they work for the conflict?

That’s why we are calling for cross border [funding]. It is also important for women’s participation and to get genuine peace. It’s very important. Why do they cut and reduce IDP supporting and funding? They cannot return to [their] homes because the government will deploy [troops], this caused a lot of problems already. Still, you [donors] just give pressure for IDP returning. Some said to the international donors not to support the IDPs; ‘If [they] support the IDPs, that is support to the conflict.’ Their [government] propaganda is very, how can I say, opposite of the real situation. It is very wrong information. But most of international community will just listen and they cannot get the real information.

There are some donors still supporting [cross-border] because they understand about the situation, but some donors do not understand about the situation and they just [say] ‘move, move, move.’ If we move inside, we cannot freely advocate. It is a problem. It would give more power to the government like that and they would have more benefits from us when we are moved inside.

We have an office in Myitkyina [Kachin State capital]. So through that, our center we can work. There is a lot of activity inside Kachin and Northern Shan States – all of our projects are inside. We have our secretariat inside and also our program coordinator is based inside. [However] we have to stay in Chiang Mai, to work freely for our advocacy work, financial management and also the relationship with the international community. We have documentation for research program. That program’s databases are based here because we cannot work with that general database inside [Burma] with the connection and everything. [There are] technical and also security [reasons].

Hopes for the future: “the ground women should be involved in the peace process, so then we can get the genuine peace”

[We need] more understanding about the ground women situation. For example, now in Burma, they have the trafficking law. But when we study their objectives for that law, they really do not understand about women’s rights. They don’t want to protect those women’s rights.

We hope to have a federal democracy. KWAT is working to have the federal democracy in our country. If we have that system, we can work more freely for our women’s rights. Also, because of the women’s participation in decision-making level, we can more protect women’s rights. It’s very important. That’s why now one of our objectives is women’s participation in decision-making in politics and the peace process.

That’s why all of the communities from Burma also have to understand about that kind of women’s participation. Not only elite women’s participation, but also the ground women should be involved in the peace process, so then we can get the genuine peace and what we want – long-lasting peace in our country. Ethnic rights are also really important in federal democracy. If we don’t get the federal democracy, we can’t get the women rights, especially in the ethnic communities.

[/fusion_separator]

[1] The CEDAW shadow reports are submitted by NGOs to the CEDAW Committee and act as a complement to Governments’ self-assessments of their efforts to comply with CEDAW articles. The NGO input ensures that reports on women’s status accurately reflects the situation on the ground and prevents governments from downplaying or inflating deficiencies and achievements.