‘I Want to See a Burma Where We Accept Diversity’: Student Leader and Former Political Prisoner Sithu Maung

Burma Link | October 20, 2015

The student movement has historically played a central role in the pro-democracy struggle in Burma. Sithu Maung, a 27-year-old university student is one of the many who have paid a heavy price for their involvement in the movement. Sithu Maung was arrested in 2007 for re-founding the outlawed All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU), and for his role in leading the 2007 Saffron Revolution. In September 2007, Sithu Maung participated in the peaceful demonstrations with monks and other protestors, demanding to be allowed to form student unions and calling for democracy. Sithu Maung witnessed his fellow students being shot by the military, and although he escaped the crackdown, authorities soon found him. Sithu Maung was sentenced to 11 years in prison. After his release in the 2012 amnesty for political prisoners, Sithu Maung continued his political activities and founded the Confederation of University Students’ Unions (CUSU), which has played an active role in the recent negotiations for democratic education and in promoting the students’ rights in Burma. Sithu Maung applied to the NLD (National League for Democracy) to be a candidate in the upcoming 2015 general election, but his application, along with all Muslim candidates, was rejected. Sithu Maung now dreams of preparing himself to become a member of parliament one day and advocating for minority rights and dignity.

 

Early activities: “

[I learned that] the fighting peacock means to go against the military and to get democracy and freedom”

Sithu Maung grew up in Hlaing Township, Rangoon [Yangon], in a family of political opposition. Whilst Sithu Maung learned about the pro-democracy movement early on, it wasn’t until he witnessed the 1996 student demonstrations that he developed a deeper understanding of the student movement. In 2003, Sithu Maung joined the Yangon University of Economics, and in 2006, he became a member of the Book Club at the American Centre. One year later, Sithu Maung got contact with the 88 Generation and became one of the founders of the All Burma Federation of Student Unions (ABFSU).

When I was young, my father was a member of the NLD (National League for Democracy), and also my grandmother was a member of the NLD. So, my house was an office of NLD. I saw Aung San Suu Kyi when she was making a speech on the balcony of my home. I also saw her during the 1996 Student Movement near Hledan, when I was 11 years old.

Before that movement, I didn’t know which one was the students’ union flag or what the student movement was. I didn’t know until I witnessed how the students were cracked down, arrested, and shot at by the Burmese military and its government during the 96 student demonstrations. I learned that the fighting peacock means to go against the military and to get democracy and freedom.

I joined the Yangon University of Economics in 2003 and in 2007, I was a final year’s student. At the time some of the 88 students were released from prison, and I got contact with Ko Jimmy, one of the 88 Generation Students, who lives in Hlaing Township, and I started participating in the 88 Generation Organisation. On the 28th of August, 2007, we established the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, and I carried out my responsibility as the union’s vice president.

 

Saffron Revolution: “I believed that we needed to be free from the military government”

Since late 2006, there was a growing economic distress among the people in Burma. The mounting discontent culminated in August 2007, when unannounced and significant increases in fuel prices caused much of the population unable to even travel to work. The result was a series of protests in August, September, and October 2007 – known around the world as the Saffron Revolution.

When we were at university, as the price of fuel increased, the bus fees also became higher. When this happened, the students and the citizens were facing serious struggle and difficulties. We, the students, have [historically] been standing up for our citizens of Burma, and that is why, we students participated from the beginning of this Saffron movement.

Since Sangha (Buddhist monks) started this revolution, it was then led by them. However, we followed their three political demands, the main points. The first one was the national reconciliation [with the ethnic groups and the Burmese military], the second one political dialogue with Aung San Suu Kyi, and the third one the demand to release of all political prisoners and prisoners of conscience.

Until the 25th of September, 2007 the monks only allowed the students to follow them and did not allow [us] to hold the fighting peacock flags, because they said it was only for the monks’ case. But we viewed the case as a political problem. There was the monk named U Sandar Thiri, who allowed the students to hold the flags in the revolution. Actually he was involved not only in 2007 but also in the 1990s’ uprisings. He was a former political prisoner, like our seniors.

I believed that we needed to be free from the military government. So I decided to participate in that revolution and also I was the vice-president of ABFSU. So on the 25th of September, we were allowed to hold the fighting peacock flags and the students also officially participated in the protests.

We started to give speeches in front of City Hall, at the 88 facility, and in public; I also gave a speech and Kyaw Ko Ko [the president of ABFSU] also gave his speech. At the time, we didn’t have many flags – they didn’t allow to print these flags in the print-shops.

We had only five flags for the whole revolution of September. Those cloth of the five flags were made of robes of the monks.

 

Standing up for citizens’ rights: “It became a famous event in the world”

When we were marching around downtown, I held the student union flag and I made a speech in front of the public. I got a lot of applauds from the public when I made a speech. I also demanded the three demands, same with the monks.

We had to fight for our freedom from the military junta, but you should know that we were not asking them for resignation from governing. We only used the three political demands to solve for the political problems in a political way.

I was not afraid of what I was doing because I devoted myself to fight for the truth.

People of Burma supported us when we marched, but there was a weakness about it. By that time, all the government offices had been transferred to Naypidaw. The difference between the 2007 and the 1988 uprising was that [in 1988] almost everyone, including the officers and staff were involved in it. All the citizens of Burma were demonstrating together. But for the 2007 [revolution], there were some staff members involved, but not enough force so that we could have stopped the the whole mechanism of military. The voices in the 1988 uprising could take down the government, but it was a challenge in 2007.

However, there was also an advantage in this Saffron revolution of 2007 – this is about the Internet. The Internet and media were getting effective and powerful in 2007, especially we could see [it when] the Japanese journalist was shot. It was a famous event. And another advantage of the Saffron Revolution, also known as ‘peaceful revolution’ was that the Buddhist monks were saying prayers of peaceful mind and soul. And it became a famous event in the world, too.

 

Crackdown: “’This is the Buddhist religious country and yet you dare to shoot at us and the students’”

The next two days the students marched beside the monks until the army started firing shots at the peaceful crowd.

[When the shooting started] I was with a group of students. On the 27th of September one of the students was shot during the movement. At that time I was marching in front of the group, holding the flag and I led them. The shooting started when a monk was making a speech on the roof of a car.

I witnessed six people, including two female university students and four citizens, killed in front of me.

As soon as the firing took place, I dropped down the flag I was holding and put it in the bag. They drove their cars into the crowds from behind to crack down and were shooting at the same time. It was on the 27th of September, 2007. 11 people were killed according to the official announcement. In the UN’s report, it said about 70. The monks wanted to stop the revolution, but the students were trying to keep it on.

Two days later, the United Nations’ special envoy to Myanmar [Burma], Ibrahim Gambari, was allowed into the country after the Burmese authorities bowed to international pressure.

On the 29th of September, the UN representative Mr. Gambari arrived to Rangoon. Thousands of people were demonstrating in front of Shangri-La hotel, however, he was not at Shangri-La hotel at that time. But it was the last day of our demonstration. The two reasons for why the protests stopped were the shooting and also we hoped for something [to happen] after Mr. Gambari came.

After the military had opened fire towards those who were in the revolution, many [more] students and people were motivated to go against the cruel action from the government. And later the monks came and stood up for the students and the citizens; “This country is where the majority of Buddhists live and yet you dare to shoot at us and the students,” [they said].

 

Arrest: “They arrested and charged me for committing an unlawful action that disturbed the country’s peace”

After the crackdown, a warrant was issued for Sithu Maung, and he went into hiding.

During that time, other famous leaders; Ko Htay Kywe [88 Generation student], Ma Nilar Thein [88 Generation student], Kyaw Ko Ko [the president of ABFSU], Monk U Gambira, and Monk U Aww Ba Tha, including I were opened for ‘wanted warrant.’

At the time the Rangoon city was under a curfew. The police searched all over my house and asked my parents about my whereabouts. They had about 20 spies who entered the quarter to look for me. They were not in their uniforms, but disguised as citizens. They gave an order for my parents to open the gate, but my parents refused.

As they broke in, my mother shouted aloud like ‘strangers are breaking in, please help!’ At that time, the people in the quarter ran towards them by beating pots and pans [to make as much noise as possible]. One of the reasons for doing that was there was a monastery near it, and the monks had also been involved in the Saffron Revolution. So not only the people from my quarter supported me, but also the monks did.

As soon as all the people came out, the police ran away, but they tried to come again. That time, they brought the military so my parents had to let them come in. But I was not at home at the time; I was hiding somewhere else. Since the Saffron Revolution started, I decided not to stay at home.

On 10th of October 2007, I was arrested. At that time I had a phone and they got my phone number. I think they got a technique how to watch and how to listen to my phone secretly. They got that method from Russia. So one day when I called my friend to meet up about what we will do for the next revolution, they caught my phone, and [they knew] where I was. They arrested and charged me for committing an unlawful action that disturbed the country’s peace.

Sithu Maung’s parents, U Peter and Daw Nu Nu Swe, were arrested in November 2007 at their home by security forces and local authorities, and were later sentenced to six years in prison for obstructing police investigations, harassing officers on duty and inciting riots. The authorities claimed that they did not open their door quickly enough to police who were looking for their son. Daw Nu Nu Swe was released in September 2009 as part of a general amnesty after serving one year and ten months. U Peter was released from Loikaw Prison in Karenni State in November 2011.

 

Interrogation and trial: “I was sentenced to 11 years”

When I was arrested I was 19 years old. At the time, the government had already invited the UN Secretary General’s Special Envoy on Myanmar [Burma], Mr. Vijay Nambiar, to visit [the country].

They brought me to the House of State and they asked a lot of questions like who I was in contact with, and with whom I started the revolution and who was involved. However, I didn’t answer them exactly. As a result I got tortured both mentally and physically for ‘treason,’ without letting me rest for a second. They tried to break me down for three days.

Later I was sent to Insein prison. Four months after I had been arrested, I was delivered to the court with special code. I was in trial in a special court in Insein prison. There was no audience. Truthfully, that was not a fair trial of the court, [there was] no transparency.

I was sentenced to 11 years because of the unfair law and the instruction by the military government on the court.

The government sent me to Buthidaung prison [in Rakhine State] because for most of the Muslims it is difficult to go there. They need to show the identity card or citizen card, and if they don’t have an ID card, they are not allowed to go there. They are forbidden to go there.

So, my family wanted to meet me in prison but it was difficult to go there. [My parents] never [came to visit], but I got some money from post. I couldn’t officially contact my parents, my family. I could [just] request to send my letters. So I always requested the prison guard when I wanted to send a letter. [I sent a letter] once a month.

 

Problems in prison: “The Prison Guards always abused the Minority Muslims living in Rakhine State”

When I arrived to Buthidaung prison, the prison guards had never seen a political prisoner. But I can say that they didn’t like political prisoners, because they were not criminal cases. They fought for freedom, and they fought for democracy. So they didn’t like [political prisoners].

It [treatment of prisoners] usually depended on the prison guards. As for me, I read books, did agriculture, did exercises for health, and also learned other languages like English and Rakhine [in prison].

[In Buthidaung prison] there were so many problems between the Muslim people and the Rakhine people. One UN human rights reporter Mr. Quintana came there, so when I met with him, I explained what happened and how they abuse the Muslims living in Rakhine. (Tomás Ojea Quintana was The United Nations Special Rapporteur on the human rights situation in Myanmar [Burma] from 2008 to 2014).

Most of the prisoners were Muslims from Rakhine [State] and they always abused them.

I noticed that most of their cases were not criminal cases. It was like they were close to the borderline, they crossed the borderline, and got married without letting Rakhine local authorities know. Actually they were not theft or murder cases.

The Rohingya Muslims living in Rakhine face systematic discrimination by authorities, including regulations that Rohingya couples seeking to marry require to obtain permission from the authorities. Couples often have to wait for extended periods, sometimes as long as two years, before receiving permission, and as a result, many Rohingya living in Rakhine get married without authorities’ approval.

 

Released from prison: “They were shouting, ‘Sithu Maung! Sithu Maung!’”

Finally in 2012, I was released along with 360 other political prisoners. On January 13, after the election in 2012, before the by-election. I was 24 [years old].

They didn’t [tell me I would be released]. At that time, the Burmese government and the KNU (Karen National Union) signed a preliminary ceasefire. On January 12, I got a message from the prison guard, they informed me; ‘10 political prisoners will be released from this prison.’

Before I was released, my parents had already been released. On the day of my release they came to meet me for the first time, but they didn’t know that day was my release date. We were meeting in the prison until there was an announcement about my release.

After that, the government arranged a flight for us to go back home. As it was for political prisoners only, my parents were left behind and flew with another flight. So I arrived to Rangoon first, and so my parents didn’t see the welcoming event.

When I arrived to the Mingalardon Airport [in Rangoon], a lot of people were waiting for me, and most of the journalists and media were waiting to interview me. So many people were waiting for me. And also I got applauds and they were shouting, “Sithu Maung! Sithu Maung!”

I talked to the media. I told them how I would change the country, especially for real democracy and human rights.

 

Activities after release: “I have been working for founding University Students’ Unions around Burma”

After their release, Sithu Maung and several other members of student unions were not allowed to continue their university studies due to authorities’ fears that they might once again organise the student movement. Sithu Maung, among others, felt cheated by the authorities, claiming that they were in fact facing double punishment. Sithu Maung eventually took up the case with the President’s advisor U Aung Min, and was finally accepted to continue his studies. Although told not to take part in the student movement or in politics, Sithu Maung rejected those demands, and continued his activities.

At that time, the reason why they [the government] didn’t allow [us to continue university studies] was that the government was concerned about our students’ movement. Later I told them that such this behaviour of the government was double punishments to me – I [already] had to be in the prison.

One day, I was invited to the U.S. Independence Day at the House of the U.S. ambassador. Some ministers of the Burmese military and government had been invited too, including the Advisor of the President of Burma, U Aung Min. I talked about this matter when I met him there. Then he directed [my case] to the director of the university to allow me to study. Then I was permitted to go to the university again.

I’m lucky. I am lucky to be a student again.

After being released, I tried to organise the All Burma Federation of Student Unions, with some of my friends who were ABFSU leaders. I resigned from ABFSU because we have different opinions and I truly believe in liberalism. And firstly, [I think] we need to raise awareness of student unions, give awareness to the students.

So finally I retired from that organisation [ABFSU]. Since then, I have been working for founding University Students’ Unions around Burma. And also I established a new student union called Confederation of University Students’ Unions (CUSU). Each university is included in that organisation in Rangoon and in other places. [I founded it] in 2012. But now, my current position is just a founder of the union, not the president.

 

2015 student movement: “The students and I were at the City Hall where we were violated by the authorities”

This year, student protests in Burma have yet again been suppressed by violence and intimidation by government authorities. Following a controversial National Education Bill that was approved on 30 September 2014, students began calling for more democratic and decentralised education. On January 20, more than 100 students set out to march from Mandalay to Rangoon, and on March 4, they faced off against a riot police at Letpadan, Bago Division. Six days later on March 10, police launched a violent and cold-blooded crackdown on the student protestors and their supporters, brutally assaulting students, monks, journalists, and everyone who was present, including ambulance workers. Dozens were injured and hundreds arrested, many of whom remain in prison. A support protest held in Rangoon was also violently cracked down and many protesters arrested. The detainees included almost the entire leadership of the ABFSU.

I took part in the [recent] movement [for democratic education] as a student from Yangon University of Economics. I took part in the clash between the students and the government, but not in the educational protest against the military for educational reform.

At first, it was a discussion in a room, however, later, the students were on the street [demonstrating] as the government was not transparent and they were unfair for the educational reform. Before March 10th, on March 5th, there was a student demonstration. The students and I were at the City Hall where we were violated by the authorities. I think about five people were arrested.

We give priority to two things – one is pressure, another one is compromise. These are our two ideas. That is we want to negotiate but we also want to give pressure to the Burmese government. So the senior students are in dialogue group with the government to discuss while the rest gives pressure to them. The result of impact that we discussed sometimes come from that pressure. In the dialogue way, there are two associations; ABFSU and CUSU.

Sithu Maung explains that the dialogue is a Four Party Dialogue, which includes the Burma Government, Ministry of Education, National Network for Educational Reform, and students from CUSU and ABSFU. During the dialogue, the government promised that they would not violate the students and protesters, a promise that was grimly broken. Most of the student leaders who were arrested on March 10^th were from the ABFSU.

 

More protests: “We should not demand for just only educational reform, but also to amend the 2008 Constitution”

On June 30, 2015, the CUSU organised a protest march from Theingyi market to the City Hall, demanding amendment of the 2008 constitution and the removal of military appointees from parliament. In 2014, more than five million people in Burma had signed a petition in support of constitutional amendment, which had been ignored by the military representatives. Although the protest led to hostilities between the police and the protesters, the students managed to reach the City Hall.

[We realised that] all these educational problems exist because of the politics, especially the 2008 Constitution. So I told them that we should not demand for just only educational reform, but also to amend the 2008 Constitution.

The [June 30] demonstration was led by two student-leaders, Zaya Lwin, President of the Yangon University of Economics, and Paing Ye Thu, member of Dagon University Students’ Union, took place in the Theingyi Market [in Rangoon], demanding for the amendment of the 2008 Constitution and to give up the 25% of seats in the parliament occupied by the military.

On June 30, I was at internet café. When students were in the demonstration, I was in contact with some student leaders because I had to watch what might happen in that demonstration. I didn’t participate with them because at that time I had already applied for election candidate at NLD party. If I participated that movement, I would be arrested. That’s why I decided not to join with them and all of my comrades understood my situation.

 

Memorial: “There was a queue of police enforcing us to stop our walk”

On July 7, 2015, another event was held to commemorate an infamous incident that had taken place at Rangoon University in 1962, when the army killed and wounded more than 100 students, and the student union was dynamited and reduced to rubble. 53 years later, nearly 60 students attended the peaceful event to pay respect to their fallen comrades.

On July 7, I was at 53^rd anniversary of July 7 memorial celebration. I marched towards the Rangoon University Students’ Union ground where was our historic students union building with member of CUSU. I brought my video camera there. I made a video when one of the student leaders, Zayar Lwin, made a speech to the students and audience in front of the Students’ Union Ground.

After that, inside Yangon University Campus, we walked along the Chancellor Road, the historic road, towards the Convocation Hall. Half the way to the hall, there was a queue of police enforcing us to stop our walk. Then, Zayar Lwin negotiated with one of the police and they let us walk towards the hall. When we reached the hall, we took group photos and came back.

I was having some drink with some of the students from CUSU and suddenly, heard the news that Zayar Lwin was arrested with violence for protesting against the 2008 constitution at Theingyi Market. As soon as I heard [that], I went to where he was arrested and the car he was in was broken out. I came to help there with some of the 88 Generation Students. I came back too late feeling very sorry for Zayar Lwin.

Muslims and minorities: “The government is always using religion as a political game”

Although Islam is the second largest religion in Burma, Muslims are often discriminated against by the Buddhist majority. In the upcoming elections, Sithu Maung applied to be a candidate for the NLD, but his application was rejected along with all other Muslim applications. Regardless of the controversy surrounding NLD’s decision to exclude Muslim candidates of its candidate list (that includes more than 1,000 candidates), Sithu Maung hopes that the NLD will win the elections.

I hope the NLD will win. [I think] they will get like 35% in the Parliament. The NLD will not win as 1990 election. 2015 election will be different from the 1990 election. The military already has 25% and also they can choose the president from their military representatives.

Muslims faced another blow in July 2015 when the government approved a highly controversial marriage law pushed forward by nationalist monks. The law requires Buddhist women and men of other faiths to register their intent to marry with local authorities, who will display a public notice of the engagements. Couples can marry only if there are no objections; if they violate the law, they could face imprisonment.

Most of our human rights defenders are against to that law. We don’t agree. I think culture and colour, are not important in a friendship or relationship. [Personally] I don’t feel [discrimination] as a Muslim, but as a citizen of Burma. Muslim is just a religion. Muslims are losing their rights because they are a minority in Burma. The government is always using political games. The government is always using religion as a political game. Religious conflict, like a political game, they always use like this.

When they [the government] have a problem, they always make a problem between minority and majority.

 

Future: “I want to be a member of parliament”

Sithu Maung says he will never be intimidated from taking part in politics.

Challenges are everywhere, and every time, but it tends to be a normal life of a politician.

I want to be a member of parliament. So I need to prepare myself. I know myself, what I need. I must have very good English. Secondly, I need to have good knowledge about politics. Actually Burmese politics is very complex, and even political science students cannot understand what is happening in Burma.

[In the future] I want to see a Burma where we accept diversity. Because we have different kind of ethnic groups and minority people. So they should accept minority rights.

Sithu Maung’s story is based on an interview with Ariana Zarleen, a co-founder of Burma Link.