Burma Link | October 28, 2015

In 1996, Chit Min Lay was a young university student full of dreams, wishing to become a literature man and a poet. He was about to finish his four-year degree at the University of Rangoon when the young student became interested in politics and activism. At 22 years of age, he was among the youngest to participate in the student demonstrations in December 1996, the biggest since the countrywide 8888 uprising, when thousands had been killed in a brutal military crackdown. In the 1996 demonstrations nearly a decade later, Chit Min Lay and hundreds of others were beaten and arrested by the police, taken to a Burmese army camp, and intimidated before their release. After another student demonstration a few days later, authorities closed all the universities – Chit Min Lay and his fellow students went underground, and planned the next large scale demonstrations for August and September 1998. This time, Chit Min Lay was not released. He was sentenced for 31 years in prison.

 

Learning about politics: “I had good friends who were very knowledgeable about politics”

I was a fourth year university student in 1996.

[I started university] in 1993. I studied Burmese language. I wanted to be a language literature man and I wanted to be a teacher or lecturer at university. And I wanted to be a writer, and poet.

From first year to third year I learned from the regional college. Then final year I moved to the University of Rangoon [Yangon], Hledan. First [time] I heard about politics, and about the students who criticised the government [in Hledan]. I never heard about it [during the] first year or second year, because most of my friends didn’t dare to criticise the government.

In Hledan there were many literature men and new ideas about politics and poems and they were only talking about politics. I had good friends who were very knowledgeable about politics and poems and literature. They shared their knowledge, and some of my friends were always listening to international news, BBC news.

At the time most people didn’t dare to listen to foreign media.

[My friends got] news from BBC, radio, and some of them could read English international magazines. And they shared the [views of] western countries who criticised Burma and who criticised the Burmese military government. And they shared the ferocity of the Burmese military.

The government did not allow [the publications]. But some of my friends could read international news, and after they read these articles, they shared their information with us. I learned politics from them, from my friends and teachers. Some university teachers also joined with us, they also shared their experience.

 

Planning the 1996 demonstration: “We should demand political rights”

In early December 1996, university students in Rangoon organised demonstrations that were described as the most defiant since the 8888 country-wide uprising on August 8, 1988. December protests were a response to the police brutality in handling of a brawl in October between students and restaurant owners, when many students were arrested or barred from attending classes. Chit Min Lay was among the youngest students to take part in the demonstrations.

The government had arrested them, the students. And we were very angry at the government, when the police arrested them; they beat them, and arrested. And many people, the government did not release. And then the demonstrations [started] – first demonstration was only in the Yangon Institute of Technology. Just inside their university, then it spread to our university.

At first my participation was just participate with them, they were speaking my idea. Sometimes I participated in their discussion. At first the opinion was just to criticise the educational system, and we would demand to change the education [system]. If we demanded [only this] we would not be arrested. But then they changed; ‘education is only a small problem,’ and after discussion and discussion, we changed our slogan or demand. Education was only a small problem.

The main problem was a political problem. The military controlling everything.

That’s why we thought we should demand political rights, and also some of our senior students, advisors, some of our student leaders in the prison, we should demand to release them from prison. We demanded to release our senior students and to get democracy, to accept the 1990 election [result].

First we demonstrated on the 2nd of December, then demonstrated again 6th of December. Only two demonstrations, very big demonstrations.

 

Crackdown on December 2, 1996: “Maybe they will shoot”

Up to 2,000 students from the University of Rangoon [Yangon] and the Yangon Institute of Technology (YIT) participated in the demonstrations that were widely supported by the crowds. Following a march from the YIT to the university, the students staged a sit-in protest on University Avenue that lasted until early hours in the morning. Just before sunrise, the police cornered the students near the Shwedagon Pagoda; many were beaten and more than 300 students, Chit Min Lay amongst them, were taken away in police trucks.

We walked from our university to downtown. They arrested [some students] near the Shwedagon Pagoda. Many people participated, other ordinary people also participated, but most of them fled after the military blocked the way. And the Ministry of Education came to our demonstration area and they told to come, follow with them, [and] ‘no one will be arrested.’ Some of them followed the ministry. But we did not follow the Ministry of Education, we demonstrated again, and then military cracked down.

First they beat us [with batons]… Before they cracked down, they surrounded all of us. And after the Ministry of Education left our demonstration they made [an announcement]. I think one of the military officers commanded his team members ‘ready!’, or something, and then, they cracked down all of us. They beat. And they had a truck, a very big truck, and they shouted, military men shouted ‘go to that truck!’ And they beat.

Also I was beaten by the military. And they took us to the very big truck. But when we were in the truck we sang the songs, revolutionary songs. We were arrested and when we saw the people, please ‘we were arrested, please tell the people!’

They took us to the Kyaikkasan [Burmese] military camp. But in the military camp, we had heard about this camp, it was very scary.

All the military men were waiting for us with their arms. And they put us inside a hole, and [it was] very dark. Under ground.

[They put us all] in the same hole. And all the military men were surrounding us with their arms, [we thought], ‘Maybe they will shoot.’ ‘No one can hear if they shoot.’ But no, they didn’t do that. After we all arrived inside of the compound they left. Just made us scared.

[We were] nearly 200 [students in the army camp]. But the next morning our professors and lecturers came to this camp, they told that ‘they are students.’ They informed the military officers, who are their students. Then they released us. So our teachers came to [the camp], our professors. [We] had to sign, we had to sign to not demonstrate again.

Released from the army camp: “Many people were supporting us”

They released [us] at 11 or 11.30 am. After that our professors took us to our department in our university. And four of our leaders, four students, who participated in the demonstration, were still arrested. And we had to sign and our professors were speaking something like ‘don’t demonstrate again!’ ‘Please learn… Already it’s very dangerous, please sign!’ And we really respected our professors.

I was on the fourth year [of university], and some of the participants were very senior, they were studying master’s degrees, and I was waiting for their opinion. ‘If they don’t sign, I won’t sign,’ I was waiting. I was the youngest. And our senior members, they discussed with the professors, and then they agreed to sign. And our teachers they took us home. Our university teachers came with me, they wanted to meet with my family, and they said, ‘Your son is released now, and signed not to participate again.’

Some of them [the demonstrators] were not students, who the military arrested, some of them were not university students.

This was the first time since 1988. Many people were supporting us, they followed, and they were arrested by the military.

But they [authorities] did not release the other people. [The students thought], if they will not release, they will demonstrate very big. They will demonstrate very big. They already planned, and then we had to sign. And other people were discussing how to demonstrate again, and then, we made again on Friday.

Crackdown on December 6, 1996: “They beat [the students] and they broke the traffic lights”

On December 6, 1996, university students staged a nightlong sit-in protest at the Hledan junction near the main campus of the University of Rangoon. Students demanded to form student unions, and the release of all political prisoners and detained students. At night time, police violently cracked down on the protesters blasting them with fire hoses and beating them with batons. Chit Min Lay took part in the evening, but by night time, he was observing everything from a nearby apartment, following his friend’s advice not to be arrested after having signed the document only a few days before.

Friday demonstration was very big. Not all over, we just demonstrated in the Hledan Township. They did not allow, authorities were surrounding us, and they did not allow [us] to walk from Hledan to other places.

I participated in the evening, but later my friend told me not to get arrested by the authority, because we signed that we wouldn’t participate. And then I watched, in a nearby apartment, my friend’s apartment in Hledan. I saw everything. I was watching from my friend’s apartment.

At night the military cracked down. They used fire hoses and batons. They beat [the students] and they broke the traffic lights. You know they wanted to show that the students, university students, broke every traffic light and public [property]. [That] our university students were stealing from the super market or shops. They broke the glass all over the supermarket and everything. No one, no university student [did that].

And then, they arrested all of the student activists and they declared that they will close all the universities. Then the next day we couldn’t go to university.

Rangoon University Convocation Hall. (Photo: Ariana Zarleen)

Rangoon University Convocation Hall. (Photo: Ariana Zarleen)

The junta closed the universities: “We worked underground”

They closed universities in 1996 after December 6. The government closed all of the universities in Burma. [Later] they released many students, but they arrested some of the student leaders in 1996 demonstrations.

In 1997, after we had demonstrated we met with our old friends who participated in the demonstration, and we met with the student demonstrators who participated in 1996. We worked underground and we discussed how to demonstrate again, and how to be against the government military.

We couldn’t contact each other, [it was] very difficult to contact. First we just remembered each other’s faces, we remembered the faces. But most of the people couldn’t use a telephone. No cell phones, not even telephones. So when we met on the streets we spoke a little bit about politics, and we gave our address, where to meet, and something [like that]. And we tried and we agreed to open a book renting shop.

We opened four book renting shops in Rangoon. You could come visit and no one knew. Our idea was not for the money, just for finding [each other] and then we could speak with all the people, all my university friends. And we opened the book renting shops. Sometimes we made a group meeting.

Secret meetings: “We should demonstrate”

They closed [the universities] for nearly two years, and then they opened again in 1998. Not open, they just declared that [they open] for the examinations.

And when the government declared [that] they don’t want to open the universities, but the university students had to take exams in their local schools, we were very angry. Some of them [students] did not learn from the university, they couldn’t [take] the exam. They needed to learn more from the university. When the government just opened for the examinations, we were very angry.

[So] we had a meeting; we invited all the students, student activists, from every university from around Rangoon. And we made a meeting. [We discussed] how to demonstrate, and we discussed about the current political situation. ‘We should demonstrate.’ Because we did not accept the government declaration for the examinations. And also we thought we should support the NLD declaration. NLD, National League for Democracy, in their declaration, they were calling the Parliament.

At the time, the NLD had announced that it would form a parliament of MPs elected in the 1990 elections, and the students were eager to mobilise support for Daw Aung San Suu Kyi and the NLD.

[We thought] that’s why we should demonstrate, and we should support, and we should make a demonstration again. And another reason was that August was the 10th anniversary of the military coup [in 1988]. So on the 10th anniversary of the military coup, we should support the NLD declaration and we should be against the Ministry of Education’s statement for examination. That’s why we made a demonstration again in 1998 August.

1998 demonstration: “They knew everyone who participated”

In August and September 1998, thousands of university students demonstrated against the military junta in the biggest demonstrations since 1996. The protests were set off by the junta’s arrangements to open the universities only for examinations, the first time universities would open since they were closed in December 1996. The students were once again calling for political rights, improvements to the education system, and for the release of political prisoners.

In 1998 demonstration we made a meeting downtown. We invited all of the university students from all the universities and we made a meeting downtown. And we discussed when do we demonstrate, where do we demonstrate, and how do we do. And also we discussed what are our demands. [We discussed] many things.

Our demonstration was maybe one hour only. Then when the military came to our demonstration, when they cracked down our demonstration, we fled. We all fled. Because our policy was, we decided not to get arrested. ‘If we are free, we can demonstrate again and again and everywhere.’ And not get arrested by the authority. We already knew [about prison], some of our senior students had shared their experience from prison;

‘Prison situation is very bad, do not get arrested by the authority. Try to flee from the demonstration and we can demonstrate again and again.’

And we fled from the [demonstration]. But unfortunately they arrested our friends from Hledan. And then they started arresting one by one by one. They took a video. I didn’t know, first I didn’t know about that, I didn’t see that anyone got video. But my friend told me, when I arrived in the interrogation centre they told me they took our video file; they knew everyone who participated, every student who participated in the demonstration.

I was arrested 11 days after we demonstrated. 11 days. They arrested me from my home.

After we demonstrated, first they arrested nearly a hundred university students, but then they arrested many NLD members. When I was in prison, the special interrogation camp, I saw many people coming, many activists and NLD members coming. Many, many [NLD members] were arrested because of the NLD statement.

After the NLD’s call for a parliament, the ruling junta began arresting opposition leaders and NLD members. More than 1,000 opposition activists were detained and many sentenced to lengthy prison sentences.

Detained in Insein: “I thought that if they sentence me for one year or two years I will die”

After they interrogated me they moved [me] to Insein prison. Insein prison is very, very big and we moved there. And we had to wait with no trial, for nearly six months. Because they were thinking that demonstrations will happen and happen; maybe they were thinking that we were leaders, or we will command to demonstrate again and again.

The first week in prison was crazy for me, it was crazy… I thought that if they sentence [me] for one year, two years, I will die. The first week was very, very difficult. We were beaten and starved or something, I did not have enough food.

[I was] always beaten and then after finished one week in the interrogation, I lived alone in the cell in a special compound. I thought they will sentence me soon. This was my thinking, ‘If they sentence me for one year or two years I will die.’ I had a girlfriend, it was crazy… I couldn’t eat their food, their food was very bad. I’m not a rich guy, I was not a rich guy. Poor, but a poor man cannot eat it. Prison food was very bad.

But one month or two months later, I had already matured, I had learned from my friends. If we had a problem, we shared it. We supported each other, all of us university students. Even when we were hungry, we supported each other. I was lucky because I had good friends.

Before the trial: “Really I will be released tomorrow, tomorrow”

While Chit Min Lay and others were waiting to be sentenced, they were not considered prisoners and thus not given prison food rations. Their families were not informed about what had happened to them and were they were being held. After regular beatings and near starvation, the long-waited trial was nothing but a judge in a military court reading out pre-written sentences for the students, claiming the futures of these young passionate activists.

We were waiting nearly six months in Insein prison. We did not have contact with our families, we did not have support from them. Our families didn’t know [we were there]. I lived with my friend. With my friend in a cell, very small cell.

[We thought] if they sentenced us we would be happy because after they sentence we can manage, and we can meet with our family. But we were waiting nearly six months in Insein prison. Very difficult. We did not have ration from the prison because we were not prisoners or anything. They gave just rice and bean curry, very, very bad. I just wanted to move or be transported to another place. [I thought], ‘My family will come after they will sentence me.’

Before I got trial, I thought that I will be released soon. I believed that ‘Daw Aung San Suu Kyi will do something, international organisations, international countries will support the Daw Aung San Suu Kyi statement. Government will release soon,’ because they want to get favour from the international [community]. The country was very poor, very poor, after U.S. sanctions and European sanctions also, the country was very poor. I was thinking that ‘they will release soon.’ This was my hope; ‘Really I will be released tomorrow, tomorrow.’

But after I got trial, after they sentenced me, I lost… I couldn’t be released, you know, tomorrow. In 1999, I got a trial, January 1999. Military court in Insein. [In the] trial they just read the charges. Military authority gave this paper to the judge. Judge read ‘seven years’ and then I had to wait for another case sentence. And then the judge read for another guy. Then they called me my name ‘Hey Chit Min Lay you’re seven years for the next case.’

I was sentenced for 31 years. I was shocked.

No choice: “I tried to survive, how to live in prison”

Maybe my mother knew that I had been arrested but didn’t know exactly about the situation. They did not inform our families [about our situation].

My friend Hlaing Myat, we lived together in the same cell, first time he met with his family, he told them, ‘Chit Min Lay’s family they cannot come, they don’t know about his situation.’ He informed his mother, ‘Go to Chit Min Lay’s home and tell his family to come here.’ Then my mother [came]. I only met with my mother one time [in Insein prison].

My father had already died when I was in the interrogation centre, before I got trial. She did not tell me about my father. I found out two or three years later. He died because of tuberculosis, TB.

And then I tried to survive, how to live in prison. I asked many questions from my friends in prison who lived there. They had experience from prison, they advised me how to live in prison. They shared with me, ‘No you will not live very long time in Insein prison. Insein prison is temporary. You will be transported to another prison.’

I tried to live, but Insein prison was very, very… the situation was very bad in Insein prison. I wanted to move. I wanted to live in another prison. I know that people in local prisons, sometimes they can live easier, can walk outside. I remember my friends in the same place, some of my senior friends, who are senior students, told me, ‘We will be transported to the other local prison, or other [place] where we are freer than in Insein prison, and we can read.’ But authority did not allow to read in the prison.

Moulmein prison: “Inside [the prison] reality was very, very poor”

After they arrested many activists or students, university students or NLD or ethnic side, they transported us to every prison in Burma. I was transported to Moulmein prison in 1999. I was very happy, because I was transported with my close friends.

[I stayed in a cell] alone. Because in Moulmein our compound was very big. Every political prisoner had their own cell. At the time, the situation in prison was very, very poor. But at the time we were happy because Moulmein is a very beautiful place. Every visitor could see the Kyaikthanlan pagoda, forest, we got fresh air. But inside [the prison] reality was very, very poor. We got enough rice, not curry. But all of the prisoners did not [even] get enough rice.

We couldn’t read, but my Mon leaders, Mon ethnic leaders who were former 1990 MPs, they were reading. Not legally, illegally reading. At first they did not inform us because they were waiting. And then maybe six months or seven months [later], then they gave some articles. Not all, we divided and we separated article by article. And then, we shared with each other. The authority did not know. They told me ‘You can read.’ Aaw we were very happy.

Moulmein prison had two floors. I only lived upstairs. Upstairs was a little bit dangerous. In the morning I had to wake up very early, before they did the prison searching. The authority, before they opened the prison, [sometimes] they came to our compound and they searched for illegal knives and something [like] illegal radios. ‘We cannot know if authority will come tomorrow morning.’

We had to wake up very early and then climb to the roof. The roof had many doves, many doves, living in this roof. I hid my books inside the roof.

I liked two books, I still remember. During the Thingyan festival, we were very sad. This is the Burmese tradition, everyone wants to participate in the Thingyan festival. And we heard our song, our Thingyan song from outside. Every Thingyan festival in the prison I read this book, “Gone with the Wind” because I wanted to live there in the southern part of America, not in Burma you know. [Every Thingyan] I was in the southern part of America. My favourite book is “Gone with the Wind.” Second one is [a book by] Albert Camus.

Connections to ethnic prisoners: “Then they escaped”

I lived with Karen armed groups and Mon, but around when I was transported to the Moulmein prison, the New Mon State Party got agreement with the government. Government released all members from the New Mon, but KNU members were still in prison.

I remember their (Mon) political leaders, the three of them; Naing Ngwe Thein, Min Kyi Win and Min Soe Linn. They were arrested because they released a statement criticising the government. They did not agree with the agreement between the New Mon State Party and the government. In the statement [it said that] if they have agreement with the military, ‘We will lose everything. We will lose our identity.’ Then, the military government arrested these three MPs, Mon leaders. I met with them, these three leaders.

And I lived with the KNU [members], not leaders. They were very poor, because they lived in a very, very remote area. I really respected the KNU people. They were very, very humble. They were very brave. They could live a long time in the forest. We were just university students. If we did not have curry or food for us, they gave some food for us. And they couldn’t read, they couldn’t speak Burmese very well. They were very polite.

Then they escaped. In 1999 five of the KNU members escaped.

I don’t know exactly about their secret … They fled from two cells. They lived in separate rooms, very far from [each other], but how to contact I don’t know. They contacted each other and they cut two iron bars from one cell.

I [also] don’t know how they had contact from outside in there. At the time authority did not allow [prisoners] to meet our families, they allowed no prisoner. But [later] we demanded [to meet], we knew that it wasn’t right. Even in Insein prison we could meet with our family. And authority allowed. But they did not allow KNU members [to meet with anyone].

After they escaped the situation became very bad, the authority controlled everything. Every morning they came to our cell and searched for illegal [items], and they beat other prisoners who they suspected had helped these five.

ICRS support: “Our family could visit us”

In 1999-2000, the ICRC (International Committee of the Red Cross) saved every political prisoner. I’m really thankful to the ICRC support. The situation in prison was very, very bad, many people died, many prisoners died in prison. And when they came, we shared the whole situation in our prison.

That’s why they were afraid, the authorities were afraid. At first they [the authorities] did not care, they did not allow everything. But after 2000 [it changed], after ICRC came to our compound and met with us and we shared everything.

The ICRC policy [was that] they did not publish their information, they just informed the authorities. Our situation in Moulmein prison was very bad, but then the situation got a little bit better. The authority supported some food, they made a curry, and they allowed us to play football. Not every time, but [sometimes] they allowed.

After the ICRC visited every prison in here and they met with the political prisoners, they started supporting for travel charge to our family, so our family could visit us. Before they supported the travel charge to our families, a few people could visit. Our families were poor, and they couldn’t visit Moulmein. We’re from Rangoon. Most of our families were in Rangoon, and they couldn’t spend the money from Rangoon to Moulmein. Some of my friends were transported to Buthidaung, very, very far. But ICRC supported the travel charge, so they could visit, our families could [visit].

Although the families were finally able to pay regular visits with the support from the ICRC, they still couldn’t actually see their loved ones; the authorities forced the visiting family members to wear scarves over their faces.

Changing prison conditions: “They did not allow paper and pen”

First the authority allowed [books] in 2004. They allowed to read books. They had an agreement with the ICRC. But I really thank [ICRC] you know. Firstly, even [though] they allowed to read books, we could not find the books.

I still remember that one of the ICRC [staff members] came to our [compound], and he gave paper and a pen; ‘Write every book you want to read.’ Firstly the authority did not allow English books, but we read the classical English translations, English classical books. The ICRC bought many books and they donated to us. We could read.

We could read English newspapers after 2005. First we demanded, we asked the high officer, ‘We want to read newspapers, in English, we want to buy.’ And ‘we want to read the English books, we want to buy.’ First they did not allow. And then after we discussed with two or three guys, our chief officers in prison, they were given the “New Light of Myanmar”, English version and Burmese version. They promised they will give English and Burmese newspaper every day, so we could read.

I [also] wrote many poems in prison but now I cannot write any poems. Some of my friends also wrote many poems inside. After we finished we shared our poems. [We were] very happy. But I changed, after I read new poems, I couldn’t write that style poems. Before I read some books, I could [write]. But my poems were not good, because I wrote very old style. Literature was changing, so after I read the new style poems, I didn’t want to write.

[We did it] secretly. Even when they allowed to read the books in prison, they did not allow to write. They did not allow paper and pen. They never allowed writing.

Long wait for freedom: “I lost all my hope”

After 2011, the government released one or two leaders from our prison. We knew that before the UN assembly they will release one of the prisoners from our [prison]. We knew that if some diplomats or high ranking international high diplomats come, they will release one or two [prisoners] every time. But I don’t know why they did not release me.

At the time I got a radio, I had a radio in prison. Not legally, illegally I had a radio in prison. Our compound was very big you know, but only three political [prisoners left]; three men, one was Kyaw Myo. He was arrested because of illegal relationship with the KNU. But for two of us we lived a long time in Moulmein prison. I lived nearly 13 years in the prison with my friend. We all had our own radio there. And then BBC, they declared that government will release [prisoners].

First I was very excited. For our independence day they said they will release, government already [said so]. But I don’t know why I was not released for the independence, 3rd of January and 4th of January. I hoped, I waited for the 3rd of January. [I thought], ‘They will release me.’ [There were] only three of us, and [two of us] were senior prisoners. We thought, ‘They will release us.’ ‘We will be released in the coming independence [day].’ But I don’t know why I was not released. I lost all my hope.

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This story is based on an interview with Ariana Zarleen, co-founder of Burma Link. Read Part 2.